The Revolving Door Exposed: 5,000 Former Officials Now Lobby Their Old Colleagues

The Influence Brokers

Federal law requires lobbyists to disclose their former government positions. The idea is transparency — let the public know when someone is leveraging government connections for private gain. What the disclosures reveal is a system where government service is, for many, a stepping stone to a far more lucrative career on K Street.

We analyzed all 5,000 revolving door lobbyists in our database. The patterns are striking: the most successful lobbyists aren't policy experts or subject matter specialists. They're the people who had the most powerful rolodexes in government.

The Most Connected Lobbyists in Washington

The lobbyists with the most clients tend to cluster at a handful of mega-firms. Mehlman Consulting alone employs many of the most connected revolving door lobbyists in the business:

The Mehlman Machine

One firm dominates the revolving door rankings: Mehlman Consulting. The top six lobbyists by client count all work there. The firm's founder, Bruce Mehlman, served as Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Technology Policy under George W. Bush and as General Counsel for the House Republican Conference.

Mehlman's model is straightforward: hire people who held senior positions across both parties, cover every major committee, and offer clients access to a bipartisan network that spans the entire federal government. It's remarkably effective — each of their top lobbyists represents more than 200 clients simultaneously.

From the White House to K Street

Some of the most notable revolving door transitions involve the highest levels of government:

• Paul Thornell (206 clients) — Former Deputy Director of Legislative Affairs in the Office of Vice President Al Gore. Now at Mehlman Consulting, lobbying for over 200 corporations and trade associations.
• Constantine Hingson (206 clients) — Former Chief of Staff to Senator Dan Coats (who later became Director of National Intelligence). Also served as General Counsel to Senator Elizabeth Dole and Counsel to Senator Judd Gregg.
• Dean Rosen (206 clients) — Former Health Policy Director for Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist and Staff Director of the Senate Subcommittee on Public Health. Now one of the most connected health policy lobbyists in Washington.
• Nadeam Elshami (197 clients) — Former Chief of Staff to Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Now at Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, one of the largest lobbying firms in the country.
• David Castagnetti (161 clients) — Former Chief of Staff to Senator Max Baucus, who chaired the powerful Senate Finance Committee that oversees tax and trade policy.

The Bipartisan Business

One of the most striking patterns: the revolving door is thoroughly bipartisan. Former staffers to Nancy Pelosi work alongside former aides to Republican leaders. Former Democratic Senate staffers lobby the same committees as former Republican ones.

This makes sense from a business perspective. Clients want lobbyists who can work both sides of the aisle. A firm that employs former chiefs of staff to both Democratic and Republican leaders can promise access regardless of which party controls Congress.

For the lobbyists, the message is clear: partisan loyalty in government becomes bipartisan access in the private sector.

The Scale of the Problem

Five thousand revolving door lobbyists. That's roughly nine for every member of Congress. And these are just the ones who disclosed former government positions — the actual number of former officials in the influence industry is likely much higher, since many work as "strategic advisors" or "consultants" who don't technically register as lobbyists.

The revolving door creates a self-reinforcing cycle: government officials know that a lucrative lobbying career awaits if they maintain good relationships with colleagues and industry. That knowledge inevitably shapes how they govern — even if unconsciously.

Can It Be Fixed?

Various proposals have attempted to slow the revolving door: cooling-off periods that prevent former officials from lobbying for one to two years, restrictions on which agencies they can contact, and enhanced disclosure requirements. But the fundamental incentive remains: a congressional staffer making $80,000 a year can multiply their salary several times over by moving to K Street.

Until that calculus changes, the revolving door will keep spinning. The best we can do is make it visible. Every name, every former position, every client — searchable, sortable, and public.